Aboriginal Australian culture dates back approximately 75,000 years, making one of the oldest continuous cultures still in existence today. Within this, the Warnindilyakwa people have called Groote Eylandt their home for over 8,000 years. The enduring relationship with Country is inextricably entwined with the term ‘culture’ and the spiritual relationships with these spaces; spaces that include seas, cosmology, landscapes, people, flora and fauna, ancestors, community, materials and memory; they all are an interconnected whole.[1] This solid foundation ensures that, even in the face of disruptions, memories and stories endure, continuing to speak and guide through materials from land and sea, and always returning to Country.
Dadikwakwa-kwa (shell dolls) are vital to forging and continuing these cultural connections, illustrating the complex interplay of tradition, memory, and family relationships. In this exhibition, the Dadikwakwa-kwa are standing, sitting and lying in sand dunes. The shells are formed by molluscs and painted with pigments sourced from Groote Eylandt quarries, dressed in hand-woven silk dyed with native plants, and decorated with native bush string. Each element – from the sourcing of materials to the dolls’ creative use, intergenerational teaching, strengthening of relationships, Ancestral wisdom, and their eventual return to Country – illustrates the deep harmony between the Dadikwakwa-kwa, the Anindilyakwa people, and Country.
Repatriation and Revitalisation
Europeans have been aware of Groote Eylandt’s existence since 1623. The Warnindilyakwa community knew about the influx of white Australians in the Gulf region between 1879 and 1916 but were not directly affected until the 1920s.[2] In 1921, the Eylandt’s isolation and independence ended with the arrival of the Church Missionary Society (CMS) when the first mission-station opened.[3] The CMS authorities intended to assimilate the Warnindilyakwa people into ‘English-speaking citizens of the Commonwealth of Australia’ through training in agriculture, carpentry and domestic work.[4] In the mid-1930s, children were placed into sex-segregated dormitories, attended schools forced to attend church and learn English.[5]
English sociologist Peter Worsley, accompanied by his wife Sheila, conducted doctoral research focusing on the kinship system and culture of the Anindilyakwa community between 1951-52.[6] His observations included the relationship between the Warnindilyakwa community and the white missionaries, with particular attention to instances of mistreatment towards the community. Specific sources of conflict involved the separation of children from their parents, interference with marriage customs and burial practices, which contributed to the community recognising they were not being afforded the respect and autonomy due to all peoples with rights and the capacity to govern their own affairs.[7] Historically an independent and self-sufficient community, the CMS enforced a system whereby the Warnindilyakwa people became dependent on external assistance, needing to request support for basic needs, and told to follow directives rather than make decisions or assume responsibilities for their own lives.[8] Worsley documented the decline of traditional practices and ways of life, noting the increasing disconnect between older and younger generations concerning cultural customs, and observing a waning enthusiasm for traditional arts and crafts, including the practice of making Dadikwakwa-kwa, which declined after the 1950s.[9] Cultural erosion was compounded by the lack of practice of these skills among the youth, contributing to a deterioration of Warnindilyakwa cultural heritage as a result of the CMS’s presence and interference on Groote Eylandt. The situation further worsened after the abundant manganese deposits on Groote Eylandt came to the attention of white Australians, who initiated mining operations from the mid-1960s, leading to an increased influx of settlers.[10]
During his time on Groote, he wrote about the toys being made within the community, his primary focus being those made by fathers for sons. In his observations, Worsley did not consider Dadikwakwa-kwa to carry any special symbolic or ceremonial significance; he reported that only male dolls were noted by Anindilyakwa interlocuters, with reference to girls’ dolls being vague and simply ‘said to exist’, which appeared consistent with the broader context of Anindilyakwa culture.[11] It is possible that Worsley, as a man, was not permitted access to the cultural knowledge surrounding the importance or creation of Dadikwakwa-kwa. Alternatively, his interpretation might have been influenced by a preconceived bias of his own. Either way, it is evident from the stories told by Senior Women, such as Edith Mamarika, Elizabeth Mamarika, Millie Mamarika, Maureen Bara, Jennie Barabara, Selena Maminyamanja and Noeleen Lalara, that Worsley’s conclusion of Dadikwakwa-kwa lacking special significance was incorrect.[12] During his fieldwork, he collected and traded various Anindilyakwa belongings. As well as painted Dadikwakwa-kwa, he took possession of enungkuwa (spears), ajamurnda (bark baskets), and errumungkwa (woven armbands), which he later brought to England. In 1983, Worsley donated these belongings to Manchester Museum, England. Unfortunately, after being stored in Worsley’s damp cellar for over thirty-one years, some of the materials were destroyed due to mould.[13]
From 2020 to 2023, members of the Return of Cultural Heritage (RoCH) project (part of the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies, funded by the Australian Government) engaged with Anindilyakwa leaders and Manchester Museum, England, regarding the Anindilyakwa collections held in Manchester. In September 2022, Manchester Museum curatorial staff and members of the RoCH project had consultations on Country with the Anindilyakwa community. In September 2023, a delegation of three Anindilyakwa representatives, Senior Elder Noeleen Lalara, and Emerging Leaders Amethea Mamarika and Maicie Lalara, travelled to Manchester to receive the formal return of 174 Anindilyakwa belongings from Manchester Museum’s Worsley collection.
Senior Warnindilyakwa woman, Edith Mamarika, also known as Old Lady Edith (a term of respect) expressed difficulty in understanding how these belongings came to be so far from Country. Of particular interest were the Dadikwakwa-kwa. Seeing images of the shell dolls ‘clicked’ and evoked vivid memories in the senior women about traditional practices and the Old People.[14] Only a few Elder women recall making Dadikwakwa-kwa, but they were eager to revitalise them and share their stories. After hearing these stories from the older women about their childhood experiences with Dadikwakwa-kwa, the women of Anindilyakwa Arts – under the leadership of Senior Artist and Lead Art and Culture Officer Noeleen Lalara; Anindilyakwa Arts Art and Culture Officer, Artist and Emerging Leader Maicie Lalara; and Anindilyakwa Art Centre Manager Samantha Moody – initiated a project to revitalise the cultural tradition of finding and decorating shell dolls, so they went to Eight Mile beach to collect shells.[15] Even the act of finding shells is connected with past teachings as Selena Maminyamanja was shown by her mother how to dig for venus shells.[16]
Materials and Making
Crafting Dadikwakwa-kwa is a meticulous practice that reflects thousands of years of accumulated knowledge and skill. Each shell doll is an intricate assemblage of natural materials sourced from Country.
The journey of each Dadikwakwa-kwa begins with the collection of shells found throughout Groote Eylandt, coming from marine life that has thrived in the ocean surrounding the archipelago for millennia. As Noeleen Lalara explains, the shells originate from the deep blue sea. During high tide, if the shells do not like it, they float and walk out of the sea to land on the dry sand.[17] They travel long distances along songlines to share stories, communicate, and sing across land, seas, or rivers. After singing, they return to the beach, bury themselves in the sand, and rest, emerging again at sunrise. Once enough shells were collected for everyone to share and enjoy, the women and girls began decorating. [18]
Sue Bara, “Dadikwakwa-kwa at 4 Mile beach” Photo: Britten Syd Andrews
During the 2022 on Country consultations, some of these methods were explained by Milli Mamarika and Jennie Barabara who shared their memories of playing with Dadikwakwa-kwa at the old Umbakumba camp, reminiscing about times spent on the beach with dolls draped in fabric to represent clothing.[19] The fabrics used were remnants from settlement stores, selected and decorated by fathers for their daughters, featuring designs of Anindilyakwa culture.[20] Edith Mamarika also mentioned that her father, Minimini, would paint the shells using pigments made from local quarries, processed by Anindilyakwa men. There are strict protocols governing art practices among men and women on Groote Eylandt; traditionally, men painted on bark and other objects, whilst women focused on fibre arts, such as weaving with pandanus.[21] In contemporary practice, the men continue to produce the paints in the Men’s shed – a men’s-only space where Anindilyakwa men create cultural objects, art and paintings[22] – but women have taken on the painting of Dadikwakwa-kwa, encouraging Anindilyakwa women and girls to connect with their cultural heritage and Country whilst respecting traditional protocols.[23]
Anindilyakwa women and girls craft their own bush-dyed cloth and silk, which they sell, exhibit, and use to decorate their Dadikwakwa-kwa. Native plants are harvested from the surrounding area to produce colourful dyes used on all the silks. Each piece of silk is dyed using plants that naturally grow on the Eylandt and processed in rusted pots, representing everyday elements of community life.[24] The knowledge of which plants to use, how to extract their colours through boiling, and the methods for applying them to silk to create beautiful patterns is a time-honoured tradition among the Anindilyakwa women. Art consultant Lorna Martin engaged Darwin artist Aly de Groote, known for developing techniques in Aboriginal arts, ran workshops on Groote Eylandt to help expand bush-dying skills.[25] The process of creating these dyes requires a deep relationship with Country, an awareness cultivated through guidance from Elders and close observation of natural forms.
Dadikwakwa-kwa embody all forces of nature: land, fire, air, water, stone, animal, and flora; all provided by Country. Molluscs create the shells in the ocean, which then carries these shells to the beaches. Clay, rock, and manganese are sourced from within the Earth, then heated, strained, and transformed into ochre paints by Anindilyakwa men. Manganese makes black, rock makes red and lilac, and clay makes white and yellow.[26] The colours of the paints portray Country, the same Country that has offered safety, security, and sustenance to the Anindilyakwa people for thousands of years. Plants, such as pandanus used for weaving around the Dadikwakwa-kwa, and natural dye colours extracted from bark, roots, leaves and berries, all start as tiny seeds that only grow with proper nurturing. Country, with its rivers and plentiful fresh water allow these plants to thrive; however, if too much is taken then Country will stop providing. The process of turning plants into dyes involves boiling them in water over the fire, and afterward, the silk is laid out in the sun’s warm rays to dry. This careful choreography of materials, methods and transformations into Dadikwakwa-kwa is rooted in ancient wisdom that honours Country’s gifts, ensuring that each Dadikwakwa-kwa is formed with the essence of nature, heritage, and portrays the forces of Country.
Dadikwakwa-kwa are also stark embodiments of human’s dependency on nature. We all come from the Earth and will eventually return to her. We derive power, knowledge, and life from the Earth, and in turn we must show respect and gratitude. Whilst oceans, rocks, plants and animals do not need humans to survive, we cannot survive without them, and as the youngest beings, humans are the least wise.[27] The life of an animal or plant, or deposits of rock and minerals, are gifts that must not be taken for granted or they will no longer be offered. Selfishness and overconsumption threaten the Earth’s capacity to give; respecting the Earth fosters an ethic of conservation and prevents exhaustion. Our society persistently exploits the natural environment, viewing Earth as a commodity to satisfy endless, trivial demands of industry.[28] Even parts of the environmental movement see the Earth as an object to preserve, rather than a living reality to respect.[29] Humans must support the planet’s ongoing creative process by avoiding waste and helping to sustain life. When we harvest from the Earth, we engage in relationships with countless forms and dimensions. All the created/formed world is alive, sentient, and filled with power, including human beings, and it is because of keen respect and harmony with Country, the Earth and Ancestors that such communities as the Anindilyakwa have thrived continuously. When people feel the presence of life, Ancestors, or powers within nature’s forms and forces, all aspects of the environment must be approached with reverence.[30] Together, these elements embody an ingrained relationship where each component contributes to a greater whole, reflecting the interconnectedness of existence that is manifested within Dadikwakwa-kwa.
Relations and Memory
Country is deeply interwoven with memory, stories, and laws. Ancestors listened to Country, received guidance on how to live in harmony with it and benefit from its sustenance. This knowledge was passed down orally and continues to be communicated through Country and the materials derived. For these reasons, Dadikwakwa-kwa are imbued with spirits and Ancestors; they continue to tell stories that guide young girls and women.
Because Dadikwakwa-kwa are inextricably entwined with Country, they contain spirits. This is explained by Noeleen Lalara, the spirits of the shell dolls can communicate, and respond in ways resembling dreams; strong and meaningful.[31] She encourages speaking to them, whether they are on a display wall, kept in a collection, or in an exhibition sand dune, because doing so fosters a connection. Trust and belief are essential; the Dadikwakwa-kwa hold and preserve knowledge, stories and meaning. When asked about their origins, they will reveal that they came from Groote Eylandt, as the spirits within them are present throughout the Eylandt and made with everything from Groote.[32] When Noeleen first crafted the fabric for the Dadikwakwa-kwa using bush dye and painted them, she later had a dream in which they sought to communicate with her. She responded within her dream, and upon waking, she visited the Anindilyakwa Arts Centre to create the Dadikwakwa-kwa she had envisioned: a man with four wives and children. The Dadikwakwa-kwa are vessels of history and cultural memory, carrying stories and significance, and ensuring that traditions are preserved and revitalised through art.
Dadikwakwa-kwa facilitate conversations about identity, belonging, and continuity, linking children to their Ancestors and reinforcing their roles as carriers of culture and knowledge. The shell dolls are used for educational and recreational purposes, embodying numerous stories and cultural significance. The enthusiasm to revitalise this tradition is not only for learning but for storytelling and remembrance. They were historically used for play, literacy, and numeracy development. Children would carry multiple Dadikwakwa-kwa representing their families, such as spouses and children, in a coolamon, imitating real-life relationships and family structures.[33] They might make and play with twin shells to represent a mother who recently gave birth to twins, helping them learn about family roles and relationships through imitation.[34] The Dadikwakwa-kwa traditionally represent the 14 clans of Groote Eylandt and were used by parents and children to understand Anindilyakwa clan and kinship system. The dolls would exemplify a family unit: the largest doll being the father, the medium-sized doll being the mother, and smaller ones the children. In the past, a large shell could have many medium-sized shells and little shells, but not anymore. In this way, the Anindilyakwa kinship system could be played out with dolls and internalised by young girls. In a short video, Old Lady Edith demonstrated how she played with her dalyaurruwara (Dadikwakwa-kwa),
‘Here’s a man and a woman. They were sitting closely with each other and a[nother] woman. This woman had two kids,’ as she places two smaller shells next to the man and woman. ‘And she had one. And this one, she’s an old lady, mother of these two ladies. These two young girls are visitors, they come and visit them every morning and sit with them. Husband for these two ladies, and their father too’, Edith indicates to two family units. She then arranged eight shells and a stick encircled around a turtle, ‘That’s the turtle here in the middle, they’re having lunch, turtle meat.’ Edith lays the shells flat on their back, one by one, and says ‘they’re all asleep now, because they’re full.’[35]
When the Old Ladies were children, they would name their Dadikwakwa-kwa and take them along to play with friends, fostering cultural knowledge and understanding of family life. Now, the Old Ladies take their Dadikwakwa-kwa home and share them with their grandchildren, much like previous generations of parents and Elders. During an Anindilyakwa’s Women’s Business Camp, one young girl shared with Noeleen her experience of painting and decorating her own shells, which she named with an Aboriginal name belonging to a specific clan group. She expressed her intention to share these stories with her parents, cousins, sister, and brothers, which deeply pleased Noeleen.[36] The act of crafting and playing with Dadikwakwa-kwa creates bonds between generations, guiding younger members toward a deeper understanding of their roles within the cultural fabric of their community. Such experiences highlight the importance of intergenerational learning, wherein the wisdom of the past informs the present and ensures cultural continuity. These spiritual dimensions foster a holistic understanding that connects the present with the past, enabling children to perceive themselves as part of a larger continuum of existence.
Dadikwakwa-kwa embody the rich heritage of the Anindilyakwa community and serve as vital conduits of memory, identity, and tradition. As symbols of intergenerational knowledge, they carry the weight of Ancestral wisdom, facilitating connections between children and their unique heritage. Each shell doll is a testament to the enduring relationship between the Anindilyakwa people and Country, encapsulating the stories, laws, and spiritual significance that have shaped and sustained their existence for thousands of years. Through the revitalisation of Dadikwakwa-kwa, the community is actively engaging with their past, ensuring that the teachings and experiences of their Ancestors continue to resonate within the lives of younger generations. This emphasises the interconnectedness of the community, reinforcing that culture is alive and needs to be nurtured. Moreover, the practice of crafting and playing with Dadikwakwa-kwa fosters familial bonds and collective identity, grounding the younger generation in their cultural roots. As Anindilyakwa children name and play with the shell dolls, they learn about familial structures and internalise broader principles of kinship, community roles, and cultural narratives. Such play becomes a tapestry of learning that integrates history, morality, and the significance of belonging to a wider citizenry.
Each Dadikwakwa-kwa is a living embodiment of an ancient connection to Country and identity. Each shell dolls tells a story, bridging past and present, anchoring the Anindilyakwa community in its rich heritage, and encouraging a harmonious relationship with the natural world, Country. By honouring these practices, the Anindilyakwa community affirm their resilience and the transformative potential of cultural continuity, inviting all to recognise and respect the wisdom that exists within tradition and Country.
[1] “Anthropology,” Anindilyakwa Land Council (ALC), accessed 25 July, 2025, https://anindilyakwa.com.au/preserving-culture/anthropology/; “History,” Anindilyakwa Land Council (ALC), accessed 25 July, 2025, https://anindilyakwa.com.au/about/history/.
[2] Peter Worsley, “The Changing Social Structure of the Wanindiljaugwa” (PhD Diss., Australian National University, 1954), 18.
[3] Worsley, “Changing Social Structure,” 5, 263; ALC, “History.”
[4] Laura Rademaker, “Language and Australian Aboriginal History Anindilyakwa and English on Groote Eylandt,” History Australia 11, no. 2 (2016): 227-28, https://doi.org/10.1080/14490854.2014.11668523.
[5] Rademaker, “Language,” 228; Worsley, “Changing Social Structure,” 271.
[6] AIATSIS, MS 1857: Peter Worsley; fieldwork with Anindilyakwa people on Groote Eylandt,1952-1953, Report, accessed 20 June, 2025, https://aiatsis.gov.au/sites/default/files/catalogue_resources/MS%201857_Worsley.pdf.
[7] Worsley, “Changing Social Structure,” 286-92, 340-41.
[8] Ibid, 341.
[9] Ibid, 59, 66, 354.
[10] David H. Turner, “An Aboriginal Outstation Movement in Arnhem Land and the Perils of Advocacy Anthropology,” Nomadic Peoples 3, no. 1 (1999): 13.
[11] Worsley, “Changing Social Structure,” 148; Peter M. Worsley, “Material Symbols of Human Beings Among the Wanindiljuagwa,” Man 54 (November 1954).
[12] “Cultural Revitalisation: Dadikwakwa-kwa Project,” Anindilyakwa Arts, accessed 25 July, 2025, https://anindilyakwaarts.com.au/blogs/stories/cultural-revitalisation-dadikwakwa-kwa-project; Anindilyakwa Arts, “Women’s Business Camp 2023,” accessed 19 November, 2025, 7 min., 42 sec., https://anindilyakwaarts.com.au/blogs/stories/women-s-business-camp-2023; Anindilyakwa Media, “Dadikwakwa-kwa Alawudawarra (Doll Shell Stories) | Edith Mamarika,” Vimeo online, posted 12 October, 2023, 3 min., 54 sec., https://vimeo.com/873591130; Anindilyakwa Media, “ALC Anthropology | RoCH | AIATSIS Summit 2023,” Vimeo online, posted 30 November, 2023, 27 min., 48 sec., https://vimeo.com/889738067; Edith Mamarika quoted in AIATSIS, Annual Report 2022-2023, (2024), 65; Edith Mamarika quoted in AIATSIS, Annual Report 2023-2024, (2025), 32, 68; Edith Mamarika quoted in AIATSIS, Return of Cultural Heritage Program 2020-2024, (2025), 40-43; Anindilyakwa Media, “Noeleen Danjibana Lalara | Dadikwakwa-kwa,” Vimeo online, posted 20 April, 2025, 3 min., 34 sec., https://vimeo.com/1077014258/c28b8a5eb1; Anindilyakwa Land Council, “Stories from Groote: Edition 12,” News Release, 16 May, 2025; Anindilyakwa Media, “Elizabeth Mamarika | Dadikwakwa-kwa,” Vimeo online, posted 20 July, 2025, 1 min., 9 sec., https://vimeo.com/1080432643/09233dc95b; Anindilyakwa Media, “Maureen Bara | Dadikwakwa-kwa,” Vimeo online, posted 20 July, 2025, 1 min., 33 sec., https://vimeo.com/1077013494/b38802bdf1; Britten Syd Andrews, “Engku-Wa Angalya,” Vimeo online: Anindilyakwa Media, posted 20 July, 2025, 17 min., 27 sec., https://vimeo.com/1089947122?from=outro-local;
[13] George Bankes, “Introduction to the Ethnology Collection at the Manchester Museum,” Museum Ethnographers Group, no. 20 (February 1987): 79.
[14] AIATSIS, Acquisition history of the Anindilyakwa material by the Manchester Museum, Draft Report, 2023.
[15] AIATSIS, Acquisition history report, 17; Anindilyakwa Arts, “Cultural Revitalisation”; Moira Simpson details the revitalisation of ceremonies after the repatriation of sacred medicine bundles from Glenbow Museum to Blackfoot ceremonialists in Moira G. Simpson, “Is there Space for Spirituality in the Contemporary Museum?,” Museums & social issues 8, no. 1-2 (2013): 29, https://doi.org/10.1179/1559689313Z.0000000004; Moira Simpson (2009) discusses museum repatriation as a mechanism for cultural revitalisation and health benefits in Moira Simpson, “Museums and restorative justice: heritage, repatriation and cultural education,” Museum International 61, no. 1-2 (2009), https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0033.2009.01669.x; For further cases of revitalisation, see Michelle Horwood, “Worlds Apart: Indigenous Re-engagement with Museum-held Heritage: A New Zealand – United Kingdom Case Study” (PhD Diss., Victoria University of Wellington, 2015); Louise Tythacott and Kostas Arvanitis, Museum and Restitution: New Practices, New Approaches (Ashgate, 2014).
[16] Anindilyakwa Media, “Selena Maminyamanja,” Vimeo online, posted 1 May, 2025, 1 min., 2 sec., https://vimeo.com/1080433408/05fd5333b5.
[17] Anindilyakwa Media, “Noeleen Danjibana Lalara.”
[18] Anindilyakwa Media, “Noeleen Danjibana Lalara”; Anindilyakwa Arts, “Business Camp”; Anindilyakwa Arts, “Cultural Revitalisation.”
[19] “Anindilyakwa Art Centre’s Dadikwakwa-kwa (Doll Shells) 2023 entry finalist for the prestigious Telstra National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Art Award (NATSIAA),” AIATSIS, updated 28 August, 2023, https://aiatsis.gov.au/whats-new/news/anindilyakwa-art-centres-dadikwakwa-kwa-doll-shells-2023-entry-finalist-prestigious; Recollections by Edith Mamarika, Jennie Barabara, and Millie Mamarika in AIATSIS, Annual Report 2023-2024, 32.
[20] AIATSIS, “Anindilyakwa Art Centre’s Dadikwakwa-kwa”; Recollections by Edith Mamarika, Jennie Barabara, and Millie Mamarika in AIATSIS, Annual Report 2023-2024, 32.
[21] “Bush Dyed Textiles from Anindilyakwa Art and Culture on Groote Island,” Japingka Aboriginal Art, accessed 7 August, 2024, https://japingkaaboriginalart.com/articles/bush-dyed-textiles-anindilyakwa-art-culture-groote-island/.
[22] “Mens Shed,” Anindilyakwa Land Council, accessed 24 November, 2025, https://anindilyakwa.com.au/preserving-culture/mens-shed/.
[23] Anindilyakwa Media, “Selena Maminyamanja”; Japingka Aboriginal Art, “Bush Dyed Textiles.”
[24] Japingka Aboriginal Art, “Bush Dyed Textiles.”
[25] Japingka Aboriginal Art, “Bush Dyed Textiles.”
[26] “Ochre paints made locally,” Anindilyakwa Land Council, accessed 24 November, 2025, https://anindilyakwa.com.au/orche-paints-made-locally/.
[27] Sebastian C. (Bronco) LeBeau, II, “Reconstructing Lakota Ritual in the Landscape: The Identification and Typing System for Traditional Cultural Property Sites” (PhD Diss., University of Minnesota, 2009), 83.
[28] Joseph Epes Brown and Emily Cousins, “Relationship and Reciprocity: A Metaphysics of Nature,” in Teaching Spirits: Understanding Native American Religious Traditions, eds., Joseph Epes Brown and Emily Cousins (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 85.
[29] Brown and Cousins, “Relationship and Reciprocity,” 85.
[30] Ibid, 84.
[31] AIATSIS, Acquisition history report, 17-18.
[32] Ibid, 17-18.
[33] Ibid, 18.
[34] Ibid, 18.
[35] Anindilyakwa Media, “Dadikwakwa-kwa Alawudawarra.”
[36] Anindilyakwa Arts, “Business Camp.”
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Tamara Newton is a scholar and museum practitioner dedicated to decolonial subjects. She is undertaking her PhD at the University of Birmingham, supported by the Haywood Scholarship and the WM & BW Lloyd Charity. Her research investigates and compares distinct approaches to the repatriation of Indigenous belongings from museums, with an emphasis on how heritage institutions can prioritise care for Indigenous communities, their belongings, and facilitate decolonisation and revitalisation through repatriation processes. With a background in art history, fine art, gender and sexuality studies, and British colonial history, she aims to critically analyse colonial legacies in innovative and provocative ways. Her work seeks to contribute to institutional change within museums, address the underrepresentation of Indigenous perspectives and self-determination, and develop practical frameworks to guide repatriation efforts. Tamara is part of the ERC Repatriates research project cohort. Based between England and Portugal, she also engages in critical analysis of colonial legacies in Portugal. The article, “Contemplating Colonial Echoes: Visitor Perspectives in a Portuguese Museum,” was published in Exhibition journal Spring 2026 edition, and “From Artefacts to Blackface: The Ongoing Influence of Colonialism in Portuguese Culture,” received the 2025 DC Watt Prize from the Transatlantic Studies Association for best conference paper by an early-career scholar.